
Nearly 4.5 million British visitors will fly into Türkiye this year. A few hundred kilometres south, the people I follow still cannot board a bus.
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The first time I met Hamza, he was counting tourists.
He was thirteen, Syrian, and stationed on a low wall near the ferry terminal in Bodrum, watching the British couples spill out of the catamaran from Kos with their wheeled suitcases and sunburns. He counted them in twos and threes, the way other boys his age might have counted football cards.
"One hundred and forty-two today," he told me, in the Arabic of Aleppo softened by three years of Turkish schoolyards. "Yesterday, two hundred and eleven."
I asked him why he kept track. He shrugged, the way teenagers do when an adult asks an obvious question.
"Because they can come," he said. "And we cannot go."
That was almost two years ago. I have been thinking about Hamza this week, after reading the remarks of the British Ambassador to Ankara, Jill Morris, who noted that when her term began in 2023 there were 3.8 million British visitors annually to Türkiye, and that the figure is now approaching 4.5 million. A "steady increase," she called it, despite tensions in the region.
It is a remarkable sentence, if you sit with it.
In the same airspace where European holidaymakers descend toward Antalya and Dalaman, drone footage from southern Lebanon this week showed an Israeli strike hitting paramedics as they responded to an earlier attack. In the same Mediterranean where the cruise ships dock, organisers of the Global Sumud Flotilla are alleging that foreign activists detained by Israeli forces suffered abuse, including at least fifteen reported cases of sexual assault. The WHO is tracking a hantavirus cluster that has now reached twelve infections in the Netherlands, traced to a cruise ship — the kind of vessel whose passengers move through ports with biometric ease.
The region is, as the diplomats say, tense. And yet the planes keep landing in Bodrum.
This is not a column against tourism. I have spent enough summers on Greek islands watching the local economy inhale and exhale with the rhythm of arrivals to know what a cancelled season does to a baker in Kos or a fisherman in Kalymnos. Tourism is, for much of the eastern Mediterranean, the difference between staying and leaving.
But I want to name what the numbers describe, because the numbers describe two parallel Mediterraneans.
In one Mediterranean, a British family of four can decide on a Tuesday in March that they would like to spend July in Fethiye, book the flights by Wednesday, receive their e-visas by Thursday, and by the weekend be discussing whether to rent a car or take the dolmuş. Their movement is friction-free in a way that is almost invisible to them. The euro buys what it buys — EUR/USD sat at 1.1618 as I wrote this — the pound buys slightly more, and the border, for them, is a stamp and a smile.
In the other Mediterranean, Hamza's mother has been trying for four years to get her sister out of a town near Idlib. The sister has two daughters. The paperwork has been refused, accepted, refused again, lost, resubmitted. There is no e-visa. There is no catamaran. There is, instead, a long list of smugglers whose prices rise every time a European interior minister gives a speech about "securing the external border."
The same sea. Two completely different physics of motion.
"The Mediterranean is not one body of water. It is a sorting machine, and it has been calibrated very precisely to know which bodies it will carry and which it will swallow."
I went back to Bodrum last month, before the season properly began. Hamza is fifteen now. He still lives with his mother and younger brother in a two-room apartment above a launderette. He is taller, quieter, and his Turkish is now better than his Arabic, which grieves his mother in a way she cannot quite articulate.
He no longer counts tourists. He works in a café near the marina, six days a week, bringing iced coffees to people who tip in euros and sometimes ask him, kindly, where he is "originally" from. He has learned to say "Syria" without flinching, and to recognise the particular face the question produces — the small, sad nod, the slight tilt of the head, the murmur of "I'm so sorry."
"They mean it," he told me. "I know they mean it. But then they go back to their hotel."
He said it without bitterness. That was the part that stayed with me.
Hamza wants to be an engineer. His Turkish school marks are good enough that the teachers have started speaking to his mother about universities, which is both a kindness and a complication, because the family's legal status here is the kind that gets renewed in increments and never quite settles. He has never been on a plane. He has never crossed a border legally. He has crossed one border illegally, in a rubber boat, when he was nine, and he does not like to talk about it.
When I ask him what he would do if he had a British passport for a week, he laughs.
"I would go to Greece," he says. "Just to see it. Just to walk around and come back."
It is, I think, the most modest fantasy of freedom I have ever heard.
This is the part of the column where, if I were a different kind of writer, I would offer a policy prescription. I would talk about humanitarian corridors, about the EU's pact on migration and asylum, about the ways Türkiye has been paid — and paid handsomely, by recent accounts — to be Europe's waiting room. I would cite the Foreign Minister's upcoming NATO talks in Sweden, the Ankara summit preparations, the geopolitical chessboard on which Hamza's family is a piece nobody quite remembers placing.
But I have written that column before. We have all read that column before. And Hamza is still in Bodrum, and his aunt is still near Idlib, and the catamarans are still arriving from Kos with their cheerful cargo.
What I want to ask, instead, is something smaller and harder.
When the Ambassador in Ankara talks about a "steady increase" in British visitors, and when the tourism boards release their summer projections, and when the rest of us scroll past the headline about 4.5 million arrivals on our way to the next thing — do we register, even for a second, that the same sentence describing their freedom is also describing somebody else's cage?
Do we notice that the word "visitor" is doing an enormous amount of moral work? That it distinguishes, very quietly, between the people the Mediterranean carries and the people it sorts?
I do not think the answer is to stop the tourists from coming. I think the answer, if there is one, begins with refusing to treat the two Mediterraneans as unrelated. The infrastructure that lets a family from Manchester land in Dalaman in three hours is not separate from the infrastructure that keeps Hamza's aunt in a town she would leave tomorrow if she could. They are the same system, sorting in opposite directions.
Hamza finishes his shift at the café at eleven most nights. He walks home along the marina, past the yachts, past the bars where the music is in English. He told me, the last time I saw him, that he has started counting again.
Not tourists, this time.
Days. Until what, he would not say.
What would it take, I wonder, for the rest of us to start counting with him?